昨天真理堂旁的排樹大剪裁
自由時報的文中已無Google廣告
弄些宇文所安詩中的漢字
11點多即回去 午餐
1500-1700 NTU
晚上趕不上電影在麥當勞.......他們有加盟計畫 買走讀
晚上約19:50 鴻美來電邀請回台中 說些henry 和偉在旺宏虹普考 第3近況
Henry
恭喜你們入新厝以及你太太三喜臨門---這些是鴻美剛剛跟我說的
我忘記跟他們講 我希望我們這些人可以有諸如家族新聞季刊 般的電子mails
即每家在1月 4月 7月 10月初 將一些值得記的東西給編輯 簡單排版之後 再發出去(月中).
所以請你將此信轉給大家(慧君等等等等 有電子信箱的都轉寄 同時將所有人的信箱都告訴我
第1期就由舊媽當主 編
請各家在下月初給報告
試試看......
In the Woods We Live »
藝
文中心在策展過程中認識了位於南投竹山的無名樹，非常喜歡文雄與文勝推廣手作木湯匙的熱誠，聊著聊著，他們提到想在樹林裡教大家做木湯匙的計畫，我們非常
的高興，立刻邀請他們到臺大來！能在森林手心木家具展的展期當中，和無名樹搭配，讓臺大師生有機會實際動手做，是我們的榮幸呢！
2010年起，「無名樹」自擁有 ...
森林手心-木作家具展
http://hccart.blogspot.tw/2012/09/blog-post_26.html
道路悠悠不知處，山高海闊誰辛苦。遠遊不定難寄書，
http://blog.roodo.com/michaelcarolina/archives/21066296.html
*****
由於談到台灣近年的
劉納歐熱潮
他談起李香蘭ｖ川島芳子的"人形本構?" 從他說法 李香蘭似乎1925年生87歲重婚多次
讀
台湾映画年表 １８９５～１９９８ 川瀬健一編
一九四四 (昭和一九 民國三三):台湾児童の就学率九二、五パーセント
補
East Asian rivalry
Protesting too much
Anti-Japanese demonstrations run the risk of going off-script
Sep 22nd 2012 | BEIJING
| from the print edition
-
Anti-Japan protesters shout slogans as they
march outside the Japanese embassy in Beijing
AP
-
Protesters laugh and snap photos next to a
burning Japanese flag during demonstrations in Wuhan, in Hubei province
REUTERS
CHINESE authorities have plenty of experience stage-managing
nationalistic displays and then suddenly shutting them down. But the
latest dispute with Japan—and the ensuing protests in China—has raised
tensions to their highest level in years. Japan’s agreement to buy some
rocky islands, claimed by both countries, from their private Japanese
owner prompted sometimes violent demonstrations in dozens of Chinese
cities. On September 14th six unarmed Chinese patrol boats navigated
briefly into Japanese-administered waters around the disputed rocks,
which Japan calls the Senkaku islands and China calls the Diaoyus.
Into this melodrama stepped the American defence secretary, Leon
Panetta. He stopped in both countries, urged both sides to get along
better and affirmed America’s pledge of mutual defence with Japan—though
an unnamed senior American military official stage-whispered to the
Washington Post that America wouldn’t go to war “over a rock”.
In this section
China, however, has chosen to take the matter of the islands rather
more seriously. Xinhua, an official news service, reported that Xi
Jinping, China’s vice-president and heir apparent, in his meeting with
Mr Panetta on September 19th, called Japan’s planned purchase of the
islands a “farce”, urging that Japan “rein in its behaviour”. This kind
of rhetoric has become worryingly familiar. China’s actions call to mind
similar claims to islands in the South China Sea. (America is
officially neutral on claims to all the disputed territory.)
Complicating matters further, China is to undergo a once-a-decade
leadership transition later this year. Just now, therefore, no
candidates for promotion can risk appearing soft. Mr Panetta’s meeting
on September 19th with Mr Xi, who is expected to succeed President Hu
Jintao as head of the Communist Party, came just days after Mr Xi
reappeared from an unexplained two-week absence that had led to rumours
about his health and political standing. It remains unclear whether he
will take Mr Hu’s job as chairman of the Central Military Commission,
and recent events caused speculation that Mr Hu’s backers, in a push to
keep their man on, may have wished for (and even manufactured) a minor
crisis.
If so, they got their desire. The protests across China climaxed on
September 18th, the anniversary of the 1931 “Mukden Incident” that
became a pretext for the Japanese invasion of China. Many Japanese
factories and businesses shut for the day, and Japanese nationals were
advised to keep a low profile. In Beijing hundreds of Chinese protesters
hurled plastic bottles and officially approved abuse at the Japanese
embassy. About 50 Chinese protesters inflicted minor damage on the car
of America’s ambassador, Gary Locke.
Keeping the lid on
Then the protests were reined in. While some Chinese boats continued
sailing near the islands, Chinese cities returned to normal on September
19th, as suddenly as they had in the largest previous round of
anti-Japanese protests in 2005. But holding the Chinese public to a
single script is proving more difficult than ever, especially now that
citizens (and foreigners—see next page) can write an alternative
storyline on Twitter-like microblogs. Some posted their feelings of
embarrassment at the thuggish behaviour by some of their countrymen
(Japanese cars were a popular target for destruction, and on September
15th a Toyota dealership and Panasonic plant in Qingdao, a port city
once occupied by Japan, were reported damaged by fire). Others described
efforts by authorities to co-ordinate the demonstrations. A journalist
for
Caixin, a financial magazine, reported a
policeman’s invitation to her to join in a demonstration. When she asked
if she could shout anti-corruption slogans as well, he told her to
stick to the approved anti-Japanese ones.
Anger at Japan is real and enduring in China. Years of Chinese
propaganda and patriotic education have deepened the wounds of Japanese
wartime depredations. But Chinese citizens also have many other domestic
complaints—corruption, pollution, land grabs by officials—that lead to
scattered protests around the country every day. Hence, in the short
run, stoking anti-Japanese anger can seem a tempting choice for the
authorities. Wenfang Tang and Benjamin Darr, two American scholars,
concluded in a paper published this month and based on surveys conducted
in the past decade, that “nationalism serves as a powerful instrument
in impeding public demand for democratic change”. The study also found
that China had the highest level of nationalism of 36 countries and
regions surveyed. America and Japan were not far behind.
