昨天真理堂旁的排樹大剪裁
自由時報的文中已無Google廣告
弄些宇文所安詩中的漢字
11點多即回去 午餐
1500-1700 NTU
晚上趕不上電影在麥當勞.......他們有加盟計畫 買走讀
晚上約19:50 鴻美來電邀請回台中 說些henry 和偉在旺宏虹普考 第3近況
Henry
恭喜你們入新厝以及你太太三喜臨門---這些是鴻美剛剛跟我說的
我忘記跟他們講 我希望我們這些人可以有諸如家族新聞季刊 般的電子mails
即每家在1月 4月 7月 10月初 將一些值得記的東西給編輯 簡單排版之後 再發出去(月中).
所以請你將此信轉給大家(慧君等等等等 有電子信箱的都轉寄 同時將所有人的信箱都告訴我
第1期就由舊媽當主 編
請各家在下月初給報告
試試看......
In the Woods We Live »
藝
文中心在策展過程中認識了位於南投竹山的無名樹，非常喜歡文雄與文勝推廣手作木湯匙的熱誠，聊著聊著，他們提到想在樹林裡教大家做木湯匙的計畫，我們非常
的高興，立刻邀請他們到臺大來！能在森林手心木家具展的展期當中，和無名樹搭配，讓臺大師生有機會實際動手做，是我們的榮幸呢！
2010年起，「無名樹」自擁有 ...
森林手心-木作家具展
http://hccart.blogspot.tw/2012/09/blog-post_26.html
14期主題_情深義重的家傳之物_編輯台分享 @ Garden91季刊 │玉溪有容教育基金會發行
一天，想起了「家傳之物」這件事。在我的櫃子裡，有外祖母訂婚時奉茶用的銀杯子，有祖母返美前留下的老玉珮，以及母親年輕時戴的毛帽與一件我印象中總是隨風搖曳的藍紗洋裝。這些物件，總讓我想起許多事，忽近忽遠的
道路悠悠不知處，山高海闊誰辛苦。遠遊不定難寄書，
*****
由於談到台灣近年的劉納歐熱潮
他談起李香蘭ｖ川島芳子的"人形本構?" 從他說法 李香蘭似乎1925年生87歲重婚多次
讀 台湾映画年表 １８９５～１９９８ 川瀬健一編
一九四四 (昭和一九 民國三三):台湾児童の就学率九二、五パーセント
http://web1.kcn.jp/toyo/index.html
臺灣六年義務教育是日本人費了幾十年的功夫
川賴先生介紹今年的日本暢銷書作者到養老院12年的經驗談: 自然生死最好
養老業擴張 大往生したけりゃ医療とかかわるな] 中村 仁一 (著)
川瀨先生說梅子的妙用還有很多 譬如說他有一朋友諸手指示捲起 每餐吃梅子2個月後即痊癒
"大夫說算是痊癒了。最後又說，常吃點酸梅。
日本料理的便當，飯後吃一粒酸梅。想來頗有道理啊！"陳寬仁老師與我:簡說一段友情
補
East Asian rivalry
Protesting too much
Anti-Japanese demonstrations run the risk of going off-script
Sep 22nd 2012 | BEIJING
| from the print edition
-
Anti-Japan protesters shout slogans as they march outside the Japanese embassy in BeijingAP -
Protesters laugh and snap photos next to a burning Japanese flag during demonstrations in Wuhan, in Hubei provinceREUTERS
1 / 13
CHINESE authorities have plenty of experience stage-managing nationalistic displays and then suddenly shutting them down. But the latest dispute with Japan—and the ensuing protests in China—has raised tensions to their highest level in years. Japan’s agreement to buy some rocky islands, claimed by both countries, from their private Japanese owner prompted sometimes violent demonstrations in dozens of Chinese cities. On September 14th six unarmed Chinese patrol boats navigated briefly into Japanese-administered waters around the disputed rocks, which Japan calls the Senkaku islands and China calls the Diaoyus.
Into this melodrama stepped the American defence secretary, Leon Panetta. He stopped in both countries, urged both sides to get along better and affirmed America’s pledge of mutual defence with Japan—though an unnamed senior American military official stage-whispered to the Washington Post that America wouldn’t go to war “over a rock”.
China, however, has chosen to take the matter of the islands rather more seriously. Xinhua, an official news service, reported that Xi Jinping, China’s vice-president and heir apparent, in his meeting with Mr Panetta on September 19th, called Japan’s planned purchase of the islands a “farce”, urging that Japan “rein in its behaviour”. This kind of rhetoric has become worryingly familiar. China’s actions call to mind similar claims to islands in the South China Sea. (America is officially neutral on claims to all the disputed territory.)
If so, they got their desire. The protests across China climaxed on September 18th, the anniversary of the 1931 “Mukden Incident” that became a pretext for the Japanese invasion of China. Many Japanese factories and businesses shut for the day, and Japanese nationals were advised to keep a low profile. In Beijing hundreds of Chinese protesters hurled plastic bottles and officially approved abuse at the Japanese embassy. About 50 Chinese protesters inflicted minor damage on the car of America’s ambassador, Gary Locke.
Keeping the lid on
Then the protests were reined in. While some Chinese boats continued sailing near the islands, Chinese cities returned to normal on September 19th, as suddenly as they had in the largest previous round of anti-Japanese protests in 2005. But holding the Chinese public to a single script is proving more difficult than ever, especially now that citizens (and foreigners—see next page) can write an alternative storyline on Twitter-like microblogs. Some posted their feelings of embarrassment at the thuggish behaviour by some of their countrymen (Japanese cars were a popular target for destruction, and on September 15th a Toyota dealership and Panasonic plant in Qingdao, a port city once occupied by Japan, were reported damaged by fire). Others described efforts by authorities to co-ordinate the demonstrations. A journalist for Caixin, a financial magazine, reported a policeman’s invitation to her to join in a demonstration. When she asked if she could shout anti-corruption slogans as well, he told her to stick to the approved anti-Japanese ones.
Anger at Japan is real and enduring in China. Years of Chinese propaganda and patriotic education have deepened the wounds of Japanese wartime depredations. But Chinese citizens also have many other domestic complaints—corruption, pollution, land grabs by officials—that lead to scattered protests around the country every day. Hence, in the short run, stoking anti-Japanese anger can seem a tempting choice for the authorities. Wenfang Tang and Benjamin Darr, two American scholars, concluded in a paper published this month and based on surveys conducted in the past decade, that “nationalism serves as a powerful instrument in impeding public demand for democratic change”. The study also found that China had the highest level of nationalism of 36 countries and regions surveyed. America and Japan were not far behind.
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