是說我的「省電達貓開講」等最近的貓文嗎？很好笑吧？我眼睛花了 沒注意Sonya ( (Our lightning) : Lightning和MoonMoon，是世界送我的禮物，
1961.3.2
下午，先生在看《詞選》*，指出晏幾道的一首調寄《生查子》的詞，念了"墜雨已辭雲，流水難歸浦"八句**之後說:" 像這首詞，我今天讀來還是非常的感動。這本《詞選》 裏的詞我都會背的。我現在看了一首，再仔細的背誦。" 先生是用吟味一首詩或一首詞的意境來消磨病中的時光。(p. 130)
*胡適： 《詞選》（商務印書館 1930 台灣商務印書館/遠流1990 等重印）
**
墜雨已辭雲，流水難歸浦①。遺恨幾時休，心抵秋蓮苦②。忍淚不能歌，試托哀弦語③。弦語願相逢，知有相逢否。[1]
作品注釋
①“墜雨”二句：以雨離雲、水出浦爲喻，托比往事不可挽回之意。
②秋蓮苦：秋蓮結子，蓮子心苦。
③“試托”句：意將哀傷之情寄于樂器的彈奏之中。[1]
作者簡介晏幾道
（約1030-約1106）北宋詞人。字叔原，號小山，撫州臨川（今屬江西）人。晏殊幼子。曾任颍昌府許田鎮監、開封府推官等。一生仕途失意，晚年家道 中落。能文善詞，與其父齊名，時稱“二晏”。詞風近其父。其詞多寫四時景物、男女愛情，受五代豔詞影響而又兼花間之長。善于寫景抒情，語言和婉濃麗、精雕 細琢，情感深沈、真摯，有一定的社會意義。較之其父，更工于言情，詞風較爲沈郁悲涼，爲後世喜工麗詞語的文人所激賞。有《小山詞》。
----HC被YY(大舅媽)設計 (上周末):
.......我立刻把克羅埃西亞的書放在鏡頭前昭告天下XDD
幾乎每個人都問我好不好玩
我二話不說立刻回答：『超好玩的好不好，好玩到我都不想回去了！
好想繼續繞第二圈！』（噗）
沒想到此話一出
大舅媽突然很興奮的說：『好好好，那你第二圈要去哪？』
我：『非洲阿！這次都沒到非洲！好想去非洲！！』
大舅媽：『你大舅舅說第二圈的錢他出！』
我（大驚）：『真的假的？』
大舅媽：『我當證人阿！他剛剛真的有這樣說！』
尬的！！！大舅舅剛剛該不會是被灌酒所以醉了吧？？（哈哈）.......
-----
據YY說NHK 有一節目 教人在二小時內 盡得大英博物館的精華
-----
住台大附近的一項好處是:我們是蔡英文-謝長廷領隊的"羅斯福路"嗆馬隊的起點
中午TV 一位帶二位持雙國籍的兒子北上露營---街頭民主教育的洗禮最切實
Dears,
幾天以來我們都趕早出門走路。
這是尿袋時期比較方便的運動。
趁著清脆爽利的涼風，沿靜悄悄的馬路走．．．
http://blog.roodo.com/michaelcarolina/archives/ 19488620.html
Enjoy Reading
我大學同學從加拿大回來 可惜聚餐時間和"嗆馬遊行"衝突 跟同學說遊完行再請他......
昨天翻1991年的《謝雪紅評傳：落土不凋的雨夜花》(台北：
許達然教授和胡慧玲女士等人都在致謝的名單---
我昨晚受台大人的啟示 拿出幾本文藝復興期的建築與藝術的書 (文化/思想芳方面的藏書太多.....) 下面資訊也可以獻給志在壯遊的人參考
(比 較 李總統的夢想的四條路和井上 靖等人的告別人間之旅.....): 李登輝先生接受三立電視鄭先生的專訪 是相當精彩而有活力的強調基本的國民教育 人人必須知道"我是誰" 日治時代的教育:守時守法....做事企業精神 堅守台灣的"自由和民主"的價值觀 而不是過時的一中/民族主義等....
1963 初版1986年修正三版 當時已有 義大利文和德文等譯本 可見此書的名氣
他寫的導言內容豐富 解釋許多基本的"比例"等等概念
和"人文主義"在15世紀義大利的專門意思 等等
(西方在數百年之後才知道古希臘 所以 Italian Renaissance 期的理想是古羅馬......)
Italian Renaissance 的源頭在羅馬等地
所以作者導言的結語是 指出一條文化人羅馬一日遊的路線:
The great French scholar Emile Male express this perfectly in two sentences:
Thus, the traveller who made his way from the Colosseum to St Peter's by way of Constantine's basilica and the Pantheon, who visit the Sistine Chapel and the best of Raphael's Stanze, has seen, in a day, the finest things in Rome. He will have learnt, at the same time, what the Renaissance was: it was Antiquity ennobled by the Christian faith.
我找出30年前岳父在羅馬買的一本日文版導言研究一番.....
1963 初版1986年修正三版 當時已有 義大利文和德文等譯本 可見此書的名氣
他寫的導言內容豐富 解釋許多基本的比例 概念
和"人文主義"在15世紀義大利的專門意思 等等 (西方在數百年之後才知道古希臘 所以 Italian Renaissance 期的理想是古羅馬......)
Italian Renaissance 的源頭在羅馬等地
所以作者導言的結語是 指出一條文化人羅馬一日遊的路線:
The great French scholar Emile Male express this perfectly in two sentences:
Thus, the traveller who made his way from the Colosseum to St Peter's by way of Constantine's basilica and the Pantheon, who visit the Sistine Chapel and the best of Raphael's Stanze, has seen, in a day, the finest things in Rome. He will have learnt, at the same time, what the Renaissance was: it was Antiquity ennobled by the Christian faith.
我找出30年前岳父在羅馬買的一本日文版導言研究一番
梁林"榮耀"...
本周李登輝先生接受三立電視鄭先生的專訪 是相當精彩而有活力的
強調基本的國民教育 人人必須知道"我是誰" 日治時代的教育:守時守法....做事企業精神 堅守台灣的"自由和民主"的價值觀 而不是過時的一中/民族主義等......
老利
你或許不知 今天聚會時 有許多人困在抗議遊行中 其中有小弟
所以你要是有興致 我個別請你或"伴遊"....
祝
好
綠519遊行 陳菊：馬記者會只是政治操作
520馬總統就職前夕，民進黨發動「日子難過，總統踹共」大遊行，分別從松山菸廠、台灣大學和萬華火車站，由代主席陳菊、前主席蔡英文和前閣揆蘇貞昌領軍，兵分三路表達對馬政府執政的不滿。
遊 行隊伍在下午4點鐘準時出發，數萬民眾頭綁寫著「怒」字的紫色頭巾，抗議政府研議開放含萊克多巴胺美牛進口、推動油電雙漲等政策，要求馬總統出面道歉。雖 然台北市在午後下起大雨，不過還是有大批民眾走完全程。民進黨代理主席陳菊說，民眾不畏風雨上街頭，要向政府討回公道。
對於馬總統在同一時間召開記者會回應外界質疑，陳菊批評，馬總統的行為只是政治操作，這場記者會根本沒有意義(t)。
民進黨前主席蔡英文也質疑，馬總統只有口頭道歉是無濟於事，他應該要知道施政到底錯在哪裡。
Presidential politics in Taiwan
Ma’s second stand
Ma Ying-jeou’s second term will be judged on how well he can broaden the island’s international ties—and keep his own party loyal
May 19th 2012 | TAIPEI
| from the print edition
Yet Taiwan’s public remains wary about too close a rapprochement with China, which considers the island to be a part of its territory and which insists on the right to use force to achieve reunification. And so a preoccupation of even as pro-China a leader as Mr Ma continues to be to expand Taiwan’s international ties as a counterbalance to the mainland giant. In selling the idea of an ECFA to a sceptical public, Mr Ma insisted that a framework agreement would not force the young democracy into China’s arms. Rather, he said, it would encourage other nations to sign similar trade agreements with Taiwan. Expanding the number of such deals, it is becoming clear, will define the success or otherwise of Mr Ma’s second and final term.
The president’s desire to expand free-trade deals has not only to do with international space. In the past, Chinese objections to Taiwan pursuing trade agreements with others had the effect of excluding Taiwan from fast-expanding regional trade blocks. The country’s vulnerability was clear during the global crisis of 2008-09, when growth, and the foreign trade on which the economy depends, slumped. Though both have since recovered, Taiwan lacks the economic dynamism of, say, South Korea, which has struck a series of free-trade agreements (FTAs).
Two years after Mr Ma promised that better relations with China would open the way to more trade deals in the region, the strategy appears to be bearing fruit. His administration is now negotiating a trade agreement with Singapore, for instance—a diplomatic breakthrough that would have been impossible under Mr Ma’s predecessor, Chen Shui-bian, an independence firebrand now in jail for corruption. A deal with Singapore is likely next year, and will be seen as a benchmark by other interested countries. Negotiations with New Zealand are soon to start, while India and Indonesia express serious interest.
All this helps Taiwan balance against a heavy economic reliance on China, which (with Hong Kong) takes two-fifths of Taiwan’s exports. So, too, would another of Mr Ma’s priorities, resuming trade talks with the United States that were suspended five years ago during a row over imports of American beef. Mr Ma hopes Taiwan will one day join the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a nascent American-backed free-trade grouping. No doubt a sense of urgency is motivated by South Korea’s recent FTAs with America and with the European Union. Mr Ma says that South Korea’s American deal alone could cost Taiwan some $3.3 billion in annual exports, and 5,700 jobs. The opening of trade talks among China, Japan and South Korea on May 13th (see Banyan) also represents a grave warning, he said.
Mr Ma will continue to strengthen economic ties with China, with further ECFA talks (current ECFA concessions can hardly be called onerous to Taiwan). But just as much as this is about China, it is also about convincing potential free-trade partners that Taiwan is serious. With the easiest cross-strait deals behind him, Mr Ma faces the hard job of liberalising trade in goods within two years by negotiating tariff cuts on thousands of Taiwanese and Chinese items. A government-sponsored trade promotion body required by ECFA will soon become Taiwan’s first government-related office in China. (China wants to go further, with a jointly administered island in the Taiwan Strait, see article.) Mr Ma also hopes to liberalise services trade and sign agreements on investment protection and dispute resolution.
China’s Communist rulers, preoccupied with a change of leaders in the autumn, are unlikely to put pressure on Mr Ma by driving hard bargains. But they do like to hear him occasionally say that Taiwan is loosely part of China. Taiwanese officials recently said the two sides were two areas in one China, infuriating the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which plans rallies against Mr Ma on May 19th and 20th.
Yet opposition to Mr Ma these days comes not only from supporters of independence for Taiwan, but also from the public at large and even from members of his ruling Kuomintang (KMT). Mr Ma’s push for legislation allowing for the import of American beef containing ractopamine, a feed additive to make meat lean, has generated public outrage. Many Taiwanese refuse to believe government promises that the meat is safe. Yet solving the beef spat is a prerequisite for starting on the free-trade talks with America that Mr Ma says are needed to make Taiwan globally competitive. In unruly protests, thousands of farmers have pelted riot police with pig dung and rotten eggs.
Now come signs of poor communication between Mr Ma and his lawmakers, and even mutiny. In opposition motions over American beef, for instance, KMT parliamentarians have absented themselves or abstained from voting, and a crucial vote over Mr Ma’s beef plans scraped through in April by a single vote. KMT lawmakers also defied Mr Ma in early May by refusing to put his plans for a capital-gains tax on the legislative agenda. They eventually did so after Mr Ma persuaded them that the plans would make society more equitable. Antonio Chiang, a prominent columnist, says that these days senior KMT members read the newspapers to find out what Mr Ma is planning.
It all leads to a degree of confusion. Following the announcement of hugely unpopular rises in the price of government-subsidised electricity, Mr Ma said on May 1st that the rises would be implemented in stages. The president’s critics, including in his party, say that he does not explain things well enough to the public. The DPP, moving in a moderate direction, is playing up these grievances, while downplaying its message of independence. For Mr Ma, the hard stuff is just beginning.
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