2022年7月18日 星期一

111) 1971~1975之間的國際大事:中美關係(US-PRC relations) "正常化" (參考On China by Henry Kissinger, 2011. 特別是1973年"季辛吉" 兩次與"毛澤東"的談話。對照:余英時關於毛澤東的三篇和周恩來一篇); 50 年來的美國中國關係。校友子女的優待入學;美國等名大學的暗中優待,



111) 1971~1975之間的國際大事:中美關係(US-PRC relations) "正常化" (參考On China by Henry Kissinger, 2011. 特別是1973年"季辛吉" 兩次與"毛澤東"的談話。對照:余英時關於毛澤東的三篇和周恩來一篇); 50 年來的美國中國關係。 校友子女的優待入學;美國等名大學的暗中優待,

https://www.facebook.com/hanching.chung/videos/1016969975680274


111) 1971~1975之間的國際大事:中美關係(US-PRC relations) "正常化" (參考On China by Henry Kissinger, 2011. 特別是1973年"季辛吉" 兩次與"毛澤東"的談話); 50 年來的美國中國關係。校友子女的優待入學;美國等名大學的暗中優待,



富強 wealth and power. "權勢是一種春藥" (《張愛玲莊信正通信集》 1982.7.5);Power is an aphrodisiac. Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac. Henry A. Kissinger 。余英時關於毛澤東的三篇,收入《歷史人物與文化危機》:《打天下的光棍—毛澤東一生的三部曲》1993《從中國史的觀點看毛澤東的歷史位置》1995《在榻上亂天下的毛澤東—讀毛澤東私人醫生回憶錄》1994

***

余英時關於毛澤東的三篇:收入《歷史人物與文化危機》台北:三民書局,1995/2017/2020

《從中國史的觀點看毛澤東的歷史位置》1995

《打天下的光棍—毛澤東一生的三部曲》1993

《在榻上亂天下的毛澤東—讀毛澤東私人醫生回憶錄》1994

霸才無主始憐君—談周恩來》 1994

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富強 wealth and power

"權勢是一種春藥" (《張愛玲莊信正通信集》 1982.7.5);Power is an aphrodisiac.;Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac. Henry A. Kissinger 。余英時《在榻上亂天下的毛澤東—讀毛澤東私人醫生回憶錄》1994

 "權勢是一種春藥" (《張愛玲莊信正通信集 》 1982.7.5);Power is an aphrodisiac.。余英時《在榻上亂天下的毛澤東—讀毛澤東私人醫生回憶錄》1994

霸才無主始憐君—談周恩來》 1994




Henry Kissinger quote: Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac.



 50 年來的美國中國關係,可參考的書:

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On China
On-China-Cover.jpeg
First-edition cover
AuthorHenry Kissinger
CountryUnited States
LanguageEnglish
SubjectHistory, diplomacy, leadership, political science, culture
Published2011 (Penguin Press)
Pages608 pages (1st edition, hard cover)
ISBN9781594202711
Preceded byCrisis: The Anatomy of Two Major Foreign Policy Crises 
Followed byWorld Order 
President and Mrs. Nixon visit the Great Wall of China and the Ming tombs, 24 February 1972

On China is a 2011 non-fiction book by Henry Kissinger, former National Security Adviser and United States Secretary of State. The book is part an effort to make sense of China's strategy in diplomacy and foreign policy over 3000 years and part an attempt to provide an authentic insight on Chinese Communist Party leaders.[1][2] Kissinger, considered one of the most famous diplomats of the 20th century,[3] played an integral role in developing the relationship between the United States and the People's Republic of China during the Nixon administration, which culminated in Nixon's 1972 visit to China.[4]

Kissinger's book focuses on Chinese history through the lens of foreign policy considerations, particularly his own brand of realpolitik. The book begins by inspecting China's historical views on peace and war, international order and compares it to the United States' approach to foreign policy.[5] The book follows how Sino-Soviet border clashes forced China to consider building a relationship with the United States. Kissinger records his own experiences in coordinating the 1972 Nixon visit, including authentic accounts on the nature of Mao Zedong and personality of Zhou Enlai.[6] The final part of the book looks to the future of Sino-American relations, critiquing the areas which prevent the US and China from developing a mutually beneficial relationship whilst warning of the consequences of another cold war.[7]

The book is a combination of pure history, discussion of foreign policy and personal narration of Kissinger's experiences in China.[8] It does not fit in to the genre of autobiography, memoir or monograph, but can be considered part reminiscence, part reflection, part history and part exploration in to the life of Kissinger and his experiences with China.[5] The book has received various reviews since its release in 2011. The response to Kissinger was polarising with the book receiving varying responses from several newspapers and individuals.

Background[edit]

Henry A. Kissinger[edit]

On China is the 13th book written by Henry Kissinger.[2] It was completed by Kissinger in 2011 at the age 88, 34 years after he retired his position in the American political system. Kissinger is a German born American political scientist who was the first person to serve as both National Security Adviser and Secretary of State.[9] He was awarded a PhD at Harvard in 1954, and swiftly transitioned in to the American political system working with the likes of Nelson RockefellerChester Bowles and Lucius Clay.[10] He worked with Rockefeller on various projects until 1968, who, impressed with Kissinger's professionalism gave word to Nixon to offer him a role as the president's assistant for National Security Affairs in 1968.[10] Kissinger became National Security Adviser in 1969 and Secretary of State in 1973.[9]

US-PRC relations[edit]

Relations between the United States and China after the Second World War had been paternalistic and relatively friendly.[11] However, relations fractured in 1949-1950 when the People's Republic of China was established on 1 October after peasant-backed Communists defeated the Nationalist government of Chiang Kai-shek.[12] The ideological tensions between the U.S. and the People's Republic of China were worsened by the Korean War and The First Taiwan Strait Crisis which saw America engage in battle against China and threaten nuclear attack. The Tibetan Uprising and China's first atomic test in 1964 would further strain US-PRC relations with the predominant American representation of China revolving around aggression, expansionism and extremism.[11] It was only when underlying Sino-Soviet tensions escalated in to the Sino-Soviet border conflict in 1969, and subsequent nuclear threats from Moscow, did China look to the U.S.[13][14] With a common enemy, the Soviet Union, China and the U.S. adjusted their policy toward each other and engaged in rapprochement in 1970.[15] Under NixonHenry Kissinger normalised U.S. and Chinese relations by connecting with high ranking Chinese officials; opening the US up to China.[16] Kissinger arranged a secret meeting in China in 1971 and Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China.[17] The 1972 Summit between the U.S. and China opened communication, trade, and agreeance on certain principles of international conduct.[18]

Content[edit]

Kissinger’s On China is a combination of history, personal narrative, political analysis and reflection being compiled in to 17 chapters. One reviewer delineates the book is an "attempt to explain Chinese diplomacy to an American audience, to review the course of U.S.-China relations, and briefly but incisively to address the challenge of sustaining a mutually beneficial interaction".[19]

In the first few chapters of the book Kissinger provides a history of the Chinese view on international affairs and their concepts of international relations. He focuses on Chinese Realpolitik and Sun Tzu’s Art of War. Kissinger states that for many years China was the "middle kingdom" of the world surrounded by various small and insignificant states which threatened invasion leading to the construction of a strategic body of thought. Kissinger describes China's belief that they are the centre of the world and exemplify the paradigm of civilisation.[20] Kissinger examines the domestic and international hardships of China which presaged the development of the Peoples Republic of China. Zachary Keck from E-International Relations wrote "This helps convey the continuity in Chinese foreign policy that, to some degree, hints that there is some predictability in Beijing’s actions".[21]

Kissinger introduces Mao Zedong's ideologies, aspiration and tactics and his quest for psychological advantage. Kissinger references how a Chinese game known as wei qi drove China's military engagements and influenced their position in the cold war. Kissinger follows on with the topic of the Cold War by summarising the motives of U.SNorth Korea, China and the USSR, examining triangular diplomacy and the causes of the Korean War. Kissinger proffers that the result of the cold war was a failure for all parties involved within the conflict.

The American and Chinese road to reconciliation is detailed. Kissinger discusses the political and international contexts which led to the meeting of President Nixon and Mao Zedong. Kissinger includes a recount of discussion between the Mao and Nixon and the Nixon-Zhou dialogue and various other conversations leading up to their deaths in 1976. The process of examining the leading political figures of China and the problems they faced allowed the reader to "look over the shoulder in the traditions of classic realism".[21] He reveals Zhou promoted the need for four modernisations in China before he died. Kissinger examines the legacies left behind by Mao and Zhou.

The rise of Deng is recorded in the later chapters of the book, revealing how he effectively reformed and opened China up. The book shows how Deng neutralised relations with the U.S and strengthened China internally to preclude the spread of Soviet influence. He Records the deaths of leaders such as Hua Guofeng. Kissinger Records how China adopted a three-world approach in response to international relations.

The latter part of the book covers the relationship between the U.S. and China under President Clinton in the 1990s, the disintegrating of the Soviet Union and the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis. The state of affairs as per 2011 (when the book was written) is assessed, providing an optimistic view of China's international role. Kissinger also articulates the areas in which the U.S. and China differ in the modern international environment.

The books final parts examine the future of China and the US and their relationship together. He posits that China will continue to develop into a superpower, whilst comparing the US-China relationship to the Britain and German pre-World War TwoKissinger finishes examining contemporary areas which erode the U.S. and Chinese ability to create a mutually beneficial relationship.

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當美國國務卿安東尼·J·布林肯週末向中國施壓,要求其放棄支持俄羅斯發動的烏克蘭戰爭時,他是在挑戰一條現在在北京已經牢固確立的底線。
中國外交部長王毅嚴厲強調了本國立場,反駁稱北京是中立的,並抨擊美國的“中國恐懼症”和沒有出路的“死胡同”政策。

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Education

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