午後大雨 收到公司解散書 沒維持會員
中午 繞一大圈去師大路買本steiner傳記 買鍋貼 香蕉 吃三寶
晚參談楊受刑人故事 定怡惠珍的信
拿飯 香蕉 巴樂 就常忘
休息2小時又上線
“What is the meaning of life? That was all- a simple question; one that tended to close in on one with years, the great revelation had never come. The great revelation perhaps never did come. Instead, there were little daily miracles, illuminations, matches struck unexpectedly in the dark; here was one.” ― from TO THE LIGHTHOUSE By Virginia Woolf, 1927
戯作三昧・一塊の土 (文庫)
芥川 龍之介 (著)
戯作三昧 不知是否為"全集"中的素描三幅
我找到了
第一冊
"傍晚若有時間 我可能到明目坐坐 吃西瓜聊天 祝 暑安
藥欄
王老師
我對"內容 "不"評"-- 因為那牽涉到我認為人性有深不可測的未知
無法以"文本 "論斷
(前一兩年德國有一部電影….或可參考 …..)
只看出一處漏字:對自欠缺信心
"作"透明人—我比較不習慣
hc
請訂正或提供意見
--
王晃三(三呆)
中原大學榮譽教授
H. Samuel Wang/ Wang Sundye
精益求精, 永無止境.
求新求變, 永不言休.
Good, Better, Best, Never Let It Rest,
三呆部落格:歡迎來坐坐 http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/wang.sundye
我的gmail 不知怎的都"不在"
好像改成台灣版
其實與rl長相走左右On 8/28/07, Rwaylin Chang < rwaylin@gmail.com> wrote:題外話:週餘不見校長芳蹤,憶念「花兒都到哪去了?」
花都騎鐵馬的回來了,紫荊花香也飄來了,可是那霸那朵梅花永遠回不來了
題內話:望了幾回,怎都望不到八月?在 2007/8/28,yong liang <liangyongan@gmail.com > 撰寫:Hi everybody在港期間,讀到一位英語專欄名家盛讚董橋一句翻譯(語出霍桑)
,各位以為如何?
The flowers—even the brightest of them, and they are the most gorgeous of the year—have this gentle sadness wedded to their pomp, and typify the character of the delicious time each within itself.
花到八月最華麗,卻也難掩輕愁,一一泄露夏盡秋來的妙造。
On 8/15/07, hanching chung <hcsimonl@gmail.com > wrote:Still Vital, 'On the Road' Turns 50
When a theater needs to bolster sluggish attendance, the play that will do the trick is said to be "Chushingura" (The Treasury of Loyal Retainers) in
"Chushingura," in fact, is often referred to in Japanese theater circles as Shibai no Kitsuke, which translates as a "play that revitalizes the theater."
しばい 芝居
Shibai no Kitsuke「芝居の気付け」意思是:賦予劇場生氣
On 8/28/07, hanching chung <hcsimonl@gmail.com > wrote:New cast to debut, but the same show goes on
08/25/2007
When a theater needs to bolster sluggish attendance, the play that will do the trick is said to be "Chushingura" (The Treasury of Loyal Retainers) in Japan and "Hamlet" in the West. Both have all-too-famous scenes and lines that never fail to enthrall audiences.
"Chushingura," in fact, is often referred to in Japanese theater circles as Shibai no Kitsuke,是築或期 which translates as a "play that revitalizes the theater."
しばい 芝居
a play; a drama; 《作り事》a make- believe, a fake.
・~がかった theatrical.
・~がはねる ((A play)) comes to an end.
・~をする perform a play; 《役》play [act] the part ((of)); 《振りをする》act a part.
・~に行く go to the theater.
芝居見物 theatergoing.
芝居小屋 a playhouse.
芝居好き a theatergoer.
――を打( う )・つ
(1)芝居を興行する。
(2)相手に本当らしく思い込ませて自分を有利に導くため、作り事を言ったり、見せかけの振る舞いをする。 一芝居打つ。
王老師 (他相當主觀 我不相信讀經典可以悔改....)
我對”內容”不”評”
因為那牽涉到我認為人性有深不可測的未知
無法以”文本”論斷
(前一兩年德國有一部電影….或可參考…..)
只看出一處漏字:對自欠缺信心
“作”透明人—我比較不習慣
品質機能展開(QFD):近半世紀發達史簡介
A Short History of QFD Development in Worldwide Context by Hanchiing Chung
This note gives a brief history of the development and worldwide cross-fertilization of Quality Function Deployment (QFD) methodology. It traces the original concept of the Function Analysis and Deployment of Value Analysis/Value Engineering discipline, and its applications in General Electric such as Product Logic and Quality Map. The main stream is Japanese QFD Study Group and Akao Yoji’s work. The inspiration of QFD to major quality professionals are selected with QART(Quality Assurance Review Technique by R. A. Freund and H. B. Trulli) and J. M. Juran’s two books on quality planning and quality design.
中港台、大中華
這些是洋商1980年代開始興起的市場區域概念:Greater
我是杜邦電子事業部的第一任經理。
Animal Health 動物衛生,
動物衛生研究所 National Institute of Animal Health(NIAH),
Animal Health and Production Compendium (AHPC)は、疾病・. 栄養・繁殖・家畜や家禽の扱い方など動物衛生のあらゆる分野に. 関して、科学的な情報を提供する相互的な百科事典的データベース. です。 また、強力な問題解決と参照ツールを第一に設計 ...
WSJ 對 animal health 翻譯有問題:
The uncertainty about the nature of the disease has prompted
to look into unusual pig deaths within its borders. Carolyn Benigno,
animal health officer with the Food and Agriculture Organization in
疫情發生原因上的不確定性已促使越南政府著手調查該國境內豬只的非正常死亡事例。FAO駐曼谷的獸醫官員卡羅琳‧貝尼尼奧(Carolyn
Benigno)已和另兩位獸醫專家飛往越南展開調查。
'pi jaw' "To give moral advice to; admonish"; school and university slang from the I880s (Eric Partridge, A Dictionary of Slang and ...
'pi jaw' "To give moral advice to; admonish"; school and university slang from the I880s (Eric Partridge, A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, 8th edn. [
“Well, Hall, expecting a pi-jaw, eh?”
Manning, Rev. Samuel. Those Holy Fields.
供燃燒炊爨的木柴枯枝。金瓶梅˙第二十三回:只說他會燒的好豬頭,只用一根柴禾兒,燒得稀爛。
可供燃燒的柴火。亦泛指木材。三國演義˙第十七回:又用土布袋並柴薪草把相雜,於城邊作梯凳。西遊記˙第一回:只得斫兩束柴薪,挑向市廛之間,貨幾文錢。
WOOD
pl.) 森, 林; (the ~) 木質部; 木, 材木; 薪; 木製品;
Fine. Very good.
比較 Saburo Shiroyama 城山三郎
用作者名字google一下,還可以找到他在中國經濟史等方面的學術作品篇名。
[日]田中正俊 著,戰中戰後:戰爭體驗與日本的中國研究
羅福惠 等譯 ,廣東人民出版社,2005
;田中正俊,既是一位親歷"二戰"的日本老兵,也是一位有良知的日本著名歷史學家,是日本國內對近代史上日本對外侵略戰爭歷史反省最深刻、最具理論高度的學者和代表人物,被我國歷史學家劉大年稱為"固守真理者"。本書就是他從歷史的高度深刻反省日本侵略戰爭的一部著作。他以自己的親身經歷、見聞,研究日本戰爭責任、戰後責任,遺留化學武器問題等;通過談論歷史學研究方法、近代日本與東亞殖民等,批駁"大東亞戰爭肯定論"和"必然論"。其研究歷史尤其是東亞史的一些觀點和方法對我國的史學工
作 者:[日]田中正俊 著,羅福惠 等譯
『もう、きみには頼まない -- 石坂泰三の世界』(文春文庫)
Writer Saburo Shiroyama (1927-2007) liked business leaders with backbone. In his book "Mo Kimi ni wa Tanomanai: Ishizaka Taizo no Sekai" (I won't count on you any more: The world of Taizo Ishizaka), Shiroyama depicted the life of Ishizaka (1886-1975), who was president of Dai-ichi Mutual Life Insurance Co. during and after World War II.
Ishizaka, who was known for his outspoken views, became the chairman of Nippon Keidanren (Japan Business Federation) and led the business world through the period of high economic growth. Fascinated by his personality, Shiroyama chose the words that Ishizaka shot at the finance minister, whose attitude was noncommittal, as the title of his novel.
When Shiroyama died last month, writer Hiroyuki Itsuki said, "An age in which economic activities came hand in hand with aspirations has come to an end," in an obituary that ran in The Asahi Shimbun. I don't think Shiroyama would have been fascinated by the leaders of companies that make slight of their customers in this age.
· タイトルの上海大腕とは、『上海のエンターテイナー』を中国語に訳したものである。
:大腕. 英文片名:Big Shot's Funeral.
中國五將球星大腕雲集. .. 名批評姚明“耍大牌”。文章認為:姚明的公益活動再崇高,
好萊塢大腕級導演泰勒在中國拍攝影片《末世皇朝》的工作過程
用大腕來形容Netscape的Navigator一點兒也不為過,如果你是一個比較資生的網蟲,一定知道Netscape的Navigator的輝煌歷史!雖然其被微軟的“集成策略”而盡失先機,但其 ...
和製英語
Wasei-eigo (和製英語, Wasei-eigo "Made-in-Japan English")
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wasei-eigo
One Step Closer to the Big Enchilada
By Frank Rich
The New York Times
Sunday 30 October 2005
To believe that the Bush-Cheney scandals will be behind us anytime soon you'd have to believe that the Nixon-Agnew scandals peaked when G. Gordon Liddy and his bumbling band were nailed for the Watergate break-in. But Watergate played out for nearly two years after the gang that burglarized Democratic headquarters was indicted by a federal grand jury; it even dragged on for more than a year after Nixon took "responsibility" for the scandal, sacrificed his two top aides and weathered the indictments of two first-term cabinet members. In those ensuing months, America would come to see that the original petty crime was merely the leading edge of thematically related but wildly disparate abuses of power that Nixon's attorney general, John Mitchell, would name "the White House horrors."
In our current imperial presidency, as in its antecedent, what may look like a narrow case involving a second banana with a child's name contains the DNA of the White House, and that DNA offers a road map to the duplicitous culture of the whole. The coming prosecution of Lewis (Scooter) Libby in the Wilson affair is hardly the end of the story. That "Cheney's Cheney," as Mr. Libby is known, would allegedly go to such lengths to obscure his role in punishing a man who challenged the administration's W.M.D. propaganda is just one very big window into the genesis of the smoke screen (or, more accurately, mushroom cloud) that the White House used to sell the war in Iraq.
After the heat of last week's drama, we can forget just how effective the administration's cover-up of that con job had been until very recently. Before Patrick Fitzgerald's leak investigation, there were two separate official investigations into the failure of prewar intelligence. With great fanfare and to great acclaim, both found that our information about Saddam's W.M.D.'s was dead wrong. But wittingly or unwittingly, both of these supposedly thorough inquiries actually protected the White House by avoiding, in Watergate lingo, "the big enchilada."
The 601-page report from the special presidential commission led by Laurence Silberman and Charles Robb, hailed at its March release as a "sharp critique" by Mr. Bush, contains only a passing mention of Dick Cheney. It has no mention whatsoever of Mr. Libby or Karl Rove or their semicovert propaganda operation (the White House Iraq Group, or WHIG) created to push all that dead-wrong intel. Nor does it mention Douglas Feith, the first-term under secretary of defense for policy, whose rogue intelligence operation in the Pentagon supplied the vice president with the disinformation that bamboozled the nation.
The other investigation into prewar intelligence, by the Senate Intelligence Committee, is a scandal in its own right. After the release of its initial findings in July 2004, the committee's Republican chairman, Pat Roberts, promised that a Phase 2 to determine whether the White House had misled the public would arrive after the presidential election. It still hasn't, and no wonder: Murray Waas reported Thursday in The National Journal that Mr. Cheney and Mr. Libby had refused to provide the committee with "crucial documents," including the Libby-written passages in early drafts of Colin Powell's notorious presentation of W.M.D. "evidence" to the U.N. on the eve of war.
Along the way, Mr. Fitzgerald's investigation has prompted the revelation of much of what these previous investigations left out. But even so, the trigger for the Wilson affair - the administration's fierce effort to protect its hype of Saddam's uranium - is only one piece of the larger puzzle of post- and pre-9/11 White House subterfuge. We're a long way from putting together the full history of a self-described "war presidency" that bungled the war in Iraq and, in doing so, may be losing the war against radical Islamic terrorism as well.
There are many other mysteries to be cracked, from the catastrophic, almost willful failure of the Pentagon to plan for the occupation of Iraq to the utter ineptitude of the huge and costly Department of Homeland Security that was revealed in all its bankruptcy by Katrina. There are countless riddles, large and small. Why have the official reports on detainee abuse at Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo spared all but a single officer in the chain of command? Why does Halliburton continue to receive lucrative government contracts even after it's been the focus of multiple federal inquiries into accusations of bid-rigging, overcharging and fraud? Why did it take five weeks for Pat Tillman's parents to be told that their son had been killed by friendly fire, and who ordered up the fake story of his death that was sold relentlessly on TV before then?
These questions are just a representative sampling. It won't be easy to get honest answers because this administration, like Nixon's, practices obsessive secrecy even as it erects an alternative reality built on spin and outright lies.
Mr. Cheney is a particularly shameless master of these black arts. Long before he played semantics on "Meet the Press" with his knowledge of Joseph Wilson in the leak case, he repeatedly fictionalized crucial matters of national security. As far back as May 8, 2001, he appeared on CNN to promote his new assignment, announced that day by Mr. Bush, to direct a governmentwide review of U.S. "consequence management" in the event of a terrorist attack. As we would learn only in the recriminatory aftermath of 9/11 (from Barton Gellman of The Washington Post), Mr. Cheney never did so.
That stunt was a preview of Mr. Cheney's unreliable pronouncements about the war, from his early prediction that American troops would be "greeted as liberators" in Iraq to this summer's declaration that the insurgency was in its "last throes." Even before he began inflating Saddam's nuclear capabilities, he went on "Meet the Press" in December 2001 to peddle the notion that "it's been pretty well confirmed" that there was a direct pre-9/11 link between Mohammed Atta and Iraqi intelligence. When the Atta-Saddam link was disproved later, Gloria Borger, interviewing the vice president on CNBC, confronted him about his earlier claim, and Mr. Cheney told her three times that he had never said it had been "pretty well confirmed." When a man thinks he can get away with denying his own words even though there are millions of witnesses and a video record, he clearly believes he can get away with murder.
Mr. Bush is only slightly less brazen. His own false claims about Iraq's W.M.D.'s ("We found the weapons of mass destruction," he said in May 2003) are, if anything, exceeded by his repeated boasts of capturing various bin Laden and Zarqawi deputies and beating back Al Qaeda. His speech this month announcing the foiling of 10 Qaeda plots is typical; as USA Today reported last week, at least 6 of the 10 on the president's list "involved preliminary ideas about potential attacks, not terrorist operations that were about to be carried out." In June, Mr. Bush stood beside his attorney general, Alberto Gonzales, and similarly claimed that "federal terrorism investigations have resulted in charges against more than 400 suspects" and that "more than half" of those had been convicted. A Washington Post investigation found that only 39 of those convictions had involved terrorism or national security (as opposed to, say, immigration violations). That sum could yet be exceeded by the combined number of convictions in the Jack Abramoff-Tom DeLay scandals.
The hyping of post-9/11 threats indeed reflects the same DNA as the hyping of Saddam's uranium: in both cases, national security scares are trumpeted to advance the White House's political goals. Keith Olbermann of MSNBC recently compiled 13 "coincidences" in which "a political downturn for the administration," from revelations of ignored pre-9/11 terror warnings to fresh news of detainee abuses, is "followed by a 'terror event' - a change in alert status, an arrest, a warning." To switch the national subject from the fallout of the televised testimony of the F.B.I. whistle-blower Coleen Rowley in 2002, John Ashcroft went so far as to broadcast a frantic announcement, via satellite from Russia, that the government had "disrupted an unfolding terrorist plot" to explode a dirty bomb. What he was actually referring to was the arrest of a single suspect, Jose Padilla, for allegedly exploring such a plan - an arrest that had taken place a month earlier.
For now, it's conventional wisdom in Washington that the Bush White House's infractions are nowhere near those of the Nixon administration, as David Gergen put it on MSNBC on Friday morning. But Watergate's dirty tricks were mainly prompted by the ruthless desire to crush the political competition at any cost. That's a powerful element in the Bush scandals, too, but this administration has upped the ante by playing dirty tricks with war. Back on July 6, 2003, when the American casualty toll in Iraq stood at 169 and Mr. Wilson had just published his fateful Op-Ed, Robert Novak, yet to write his column outing Mr. Wilson's wife, declared that "weapons of mass destruction or uranium from Niger" were "little elitist issues that don't bother most of the people." That's what Nixon administration defenders first said about the "third-rate burglary" at Watergate, too.
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